THEY MUST GO Page 60
Chapter 3: Of Declarations and Independence
 
 
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60 THEY MUST GO

bit is clear that the more social, economic, and political progress bis made and the more educated the Arabs become, the less satis- bfied they will be and the more extreme, nationalistic, and an- btagonistic to the Jewish state.

bThe question of higher living standards, more integration band opportunities, and greater education are not the ultimate bissues for the Arabs. The-Jewish-Arab conflict in Israel is not a bsocial or economic or political one. It is much deeper than that; bit has to do with the very definition and basis of the state. As blong as Israel persists in defining itself de jure, officially as the bJewish state, as long as it adheres to the Zionist and Judaistic bcredo of the land as belonging to the Jewish people, there will be bhatred, conflict, blood, war.

bBut the leaders of Israel do not have the courage to say this. bThey persist in their ultimately catastrophic delusion that the bsolution to the Arab problem in Israel is greater progress toward bsocial and economic equality, integration, and “goodwill.”

bAnd so, on June 19, 1976, the prime minister of Israel, bYitzhak Rabin, Defense Minister Shimon Peres, former Foreign bMinister Abba Eban, a large gathering of Israeli top leadership, band hand-picked “loyal” Israeli Arabs met for a day-long sym- bposium on the “Arab problem.” It was less than three months bafter the Land Day Rebellion, and the shaken country had seen bdebates, articles, government meetings, studies, speeches, sym- bposiums—all devoted to dissecting the “suddenly” angry Israeli bArab. The question on the lips of all worried Jews was: What bmakes Ahmed suddenly run wild? And, more important: How bcan we stop him?

bJust a few years earlier, the frantic questions would not beven have been raised. A fascinating example of the almost un- bbelievable Israeli delusion is to be found in an article written by bEdwin Samuel in the May 1955 issue of the then prestigious bCommentary magazine. Samuel, son of Viscount Herbert Samuel, bthe first British high commissioner for Palestine, wrote as an bIsraeli citizen and expert on Arab affairs. What did an Israeli bexpert write in those halcyon days when, like all good Arabs, the bIsraeli ones were seen, here and there, but seldom heard?

b“With an overwhelming Jewish majority, it is extremely bdoubtful whether a separate Arab culture can be maintained. It bseems more than probable—even if the Arab population reaches b 

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THEY MUST GO Page 60
Chapter 3: Of Declarations and Independence