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bwhich our identity demands. Again, the United Nations will be bcalled down to justify such demands. Under the world borganization’s 1947 proposal, much of the Galilee and the Tri- bangle (plus many other cities) were supposed to be part of the bArab state. The Arab mind has no patience with the logic of the bfact that they rejected the plan and went to war in hope of de- bstroying the Jewish state. The fact that in the war that they bbegan, they lost both the battle and the moral right to talk about bthe UN plan they rejected is totally irrelevant to the Arabs. It is binteresting to note that in 1949, less than a year after their de- bfeat, an Arab official of the Communist Party in Nazareth was basked by Hal Lehrman why the party in Nazareth was called the bArab Liberation League and not the Israel Communist Party, as belsewhere. His reply was: “Nazareth is Arab. Partition said so. It bshould be part of an Arab state.” Nothing has changed. The bdemand for autonomy will grow into a roar, aided, ironically benough, by the awesome blunder of Menachim Begin’s “auton- bomy plan.”

bNot only did the Begin plan bury the hope of annexing the bliberated lands, it also—in the words of Moshe Sharon—“is blikely to bring down disaster upon us. I have no doubt that this bis the kernel of a Palestinian state which Israel is in effect help- bing to create.” But even worse, from Israel’s point of view, is the bdynamic effect autonomy in the territories would have on the bArabs of Galilee and the Triangle. Even before Begin produced bhis incredible autonomy scheme for Judea-Samaria, there was btalk of autonomy for the Galilee. Now, when the territories have bbeen offered autonomy, the effect on the Israeli Arabs in the bGalilee and Triangle will be explosive. Worst of all is the fact bthat the two major Arab concentrations in Israel border on the bautonomy in the Galilee and the Triangle but for linkage to the bautonomy of their brethren in Judea-Samaria.

bFrom that it is only one short step to the demand for the bseparation of the Galilee and the Triangle from Israel, and their bbecoming part of the Palestinian state upon which they border band to which they are tied by race, history, language, and re- bligion. Sharon himself told Maariv (February 2, 1979) that he bsaw “the dangerous likelihood of the formation of a legal Arab bparty that will demand that the Arab autonomy. In such a case, bthe Israeli Arabs will demand a return to the partition of 1947.” b 

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Chapter 9: Time Runs Out