THEY MUST GO Page 257
Chapter 10: Separation—Only Separation
 
 
Prev Page   Page Guide   Next Page
Separation—Only Separation 257

blose by their transfer and we certainly will not. In the last analy- bsis, this is a political reform settlement for the benefit of both bsides. For a long time I have felt that this is the best of the solu- btions, and during the times of trouble I understand even more bstrongly that one of these days this thing must come about. I did bnot, however, imagine that the transfer ‘outside of Eretz Yisrael’ bwould mean to the area of Shechem. I believed and still believe bthat they will yet move to Syria or Iraq . . .” (1937).

bThe other proponent of removal of the Arabs from the pro- bposed Jewish state was the future first prime minister of Israel. bOn July 29, 1937, David Ben-Gurion said: “If it is possible to bmove Arabs from village to village to village within the bound- baries of the British mandate—it is difficult to find any political bor moral reason not to transfer the same Arabs from an area bunder Jewish rule to one that will be under Arab rule. . . . Even bunder the maximum moral scruples it is impossible to object to ba transfer that guarantees the transferees both satisfactory mate- brial conditions and maximum national security. For the Arabs bwho will be settled in an Arab state, this transfer will be a full band total satisfaction of their national aspirations.”

bSome of the best-known early Zionist spokesmen discussed bthe transfer of Arabs. Arthur Ruppin, in May 1911, suggested bthat the Zionists buy land near Aleppo and Homs in northern bSyria for the resettlement of Palestinian Arabs. Both Leo bMotzkin and Nahum Sokolow, later to become president of the bWorld Zionist Organization, considered the idea of transfer. bThe most consistent and persistent advocate of the concept was bthe Anglo-Jewish writer Israel Zangwill, who sought a state for bthe Palestine Arabs in Arabia.

bThere is the beginning of an awakening. In 1972, when I bfirst raised the issue in public in a speech at Haifa University, buniversal reaction was hotly negative. Prime Minister Golda bMeir publicly charged that I had offended the sensibilities of the bArabs, and editorials and columnists vilified me. One of the bmost bitter attacks was by nationalist “hawk” Moshe Shamir. bIn 1973 charges of incitement were filed against me when the bJewish Defense League of Israel (Kach) launched a campaign bamong the Arabs of Israel offering to aid those who wished to bemigrate. Not only did Arabs from all over Israel and the territo- bries respond, but an Israeli Arab from the Galilee village of b 

Prev Page   Page Guide   Next Page
 
 
THEY MUST GO Page 257
Chapter 10: Separation—Only Separation